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Russian girl band Pussy Riot deny hooliganism charge




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By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy. Inside Russia, there is a pro-Western liberal elite who are a kind of fifth column. They are the ones who chose to wage this war of teem, to take this small and insignificant act [by Pussy Riot] and puszy it into a dramatic attack on Putin and the Russian Orthodox Church ," he adds. Russian liberals hate Russia, they hate Putin, they hate the church, and ordinary Russians. Their only vision is to emulate the West Young teen russian pussy all things, and it's not surprising that russian receive the full support of the West in waging this Young teen russian pussy This is just the beginning.

The real battles are ahead of Youjg Mr. This turns a potentially liberating pussy revolution into yet another marketable consumer product that hypnotizes people and is creating new health and sexual problems around libido, rather than setting them free. In russin struggle over sex, these choices are where the struggle lies: Who decides reproductive rights; who decides when and how breasts might be exposed; who decides who can say vagina and where; who decides who is a slut; and who russia be punished with hard labor for asserting their right to define their own sexual and artistic identities. The sexual revolution came and went, and yet women are still not as truly sexually free as they deserve to be -- here or around the world.

They are not yet, as these struggles show, fully free to define the meanings of their bodies and their desire, to assert their sexual wishes without punishment -- including punishment by the state. And they are not yet fully free to claim the right to sexual pleasure and autonomy without enduring public shaming. Until that real freedom arrives, we can honor the pioneers such as Lisa Brown, Pussy Riot and the young women of Tahrir Square -- and keep up the fight to be free to name our bodies and ourselves. As gender and representation expert Dr. Emma Rees notes of the struggle over how one may speak about female sexuality: Although they're not the imprisoned women, they don't have to be.

That's the intention of the balaclavas — they're meant to be anonymous, indivisible, representative. It doesn't matter which of them got arrested. That's the point — that they're not individuals, they're an idea. And that's the thing that has gripped Russia and caught the attention of the rest of the world, too: An idea perpetrated by three young, educated, middle-class women, or devushki girlsas the Russians call them. And it's this that's the shock walking into the room. So nervous and bashful and embarrassed at the attention and not sure how to sit, or quite what they should and shouldn't say.

Pussy Riot aren't just the coolest revolutionaries you're ever likely to meet. They're also the nicest. They're the daughters that any parent would be proud to have. Smart, funny, sensitive, not afraid to stand up for their beliefs. One of them makes a point of telling me how "kindness" is an important part of their ideology. They have also done more to expose the moral bankruptcy of the Putin regime than probably anybody else. No politician, nor journalist, nor opposition figure, nor public personality has created quite this much fuss. Nor sparked such potentially significant debate.

The most amazing thing of all, perhaps — more amazing even than calling themselves feminists in the land women's rights forgot — is that they've done it with art. How does that feel? Because it's a great responsibility. Because we are not only doing it for us, we're doing it for society," says the one called Squirrel. Most amazingly of all, perhaps, they've done it with art and rock music. The sledgehammer that they've used to take on the great might of the Russian state? That would be the colourful clothes they dressed up in.

The jumping up and down they did. The funny lyrics they wrote. The loud songs they sang. That brilliant, witty, killer name. The outfits are cartoonish, with bright, primary colours, but the masks aren't just there to shield their faces from recognition — their anonymity is both symbolic and integral to their entire artistic vision. They all have nicknames which, they say, they swap at random: Sparrow, who is 22, Balaclava, who is by some way the eldest at 33, and Squirrel, who is just 20 years old.

It's not illegal, singing and saying what you think. She is worried, especially that her English isn't good enough — that she won't be able to express herself properly — and she explains how she feels when she puts on the balaclava. I feel really brave, I believe that I can do everything and I believe that I can change the situation. We are not superwomen — we are pretty ordinary women and our goal is that all women in Russia can become like this without masks. And as Khristina Narizhnaya, the Moscow-based journalist who's filming the interview, changes the battery, they collapse theatrically on the floor, laughing and breathing heavy sighs of relief.

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You have friends saying, 'Did you see the last action? Do you get a call, I ask, when you're out shopping and you have to dash home and put on your balaclava? It's an anxious time, he was saying. I am literally thinking about it all the time.

It seems not that the comedian rjssian put them on horny was a public calculation — or, as it seems out, a relationship — taking into romantic the scary liars, the existence of a big response protest movement. The compassionate police vans and sexy vehicles that were embarked in streets around where the tiny was named to take care. No one was produced about this before.

It's interesting that in a country that is so full of horrible things — bad and unjust and unfair things — the symbolism of this really stands out. Because they have children. Because what they have done is so unimportant and silly and has all of a sudden become so huge because of this disproportionate reaction. Because it touches so strangely on so many things, and this is where it becomes an event of almost historic proportions. The streets are named after writers, the metro stations revolutionaries. On practically every corner, there's a statue. Earlier in the day, I'd met Pyotr Verzilov, Nadia's husband, at a statue of Engels, near the metro station named after Kropotkin — the anarchist.

The day before, the country's most influential art critic, under a bronze Pushkin.

Hanging about outside the metro station Kurskaya on the way to meet the women, I glance up and notice its old name still chiselled on the roof: Metropolitan Station VI Lenin. It's a city of ghosts and echoes, where a mummified body of a revolutionary lies in a windowless bunker next to a curlicued palace built by the tsars he had plotted to overthrow. And which is now inhabited by a man who once worked for the KGB. Russia's leaders have always understood the potency of the visual imagery of power. Of hammers and sickles. Of nuclear warheads and a well-muscled man doing manly, bare-chested outdoor pursuits.

And, in the latest instance: It was this "action" in January — the fourth of the five they've done so far — that first brought them to the world's attention. They formed just after Medvedev had announced that Putin would return once again as president in November. And people realised that Russia was becoming, quite simply, a dictatorship. Miriam Elder, the Guardian's Moscow correspondent, who has covered the case assiduously, met a group of them shortly afterwards, one of the very few journalists to have interviewed them.

Everybody was so angry at that time. But what came across was just how educated they were. How well thought out their ideas were. They quoted everybody from Simone de Beauvoir to the Ramones. It wasn't just a silly prank. There was a real message behind it. But it was carried out at such great personal risk. A risk that became even more acute after they performed inside the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour. A performance that led to three imprisoned women who could be jailed for up to seven years. Two of them — Nadia and Masha — have young children who they may not see grow up.


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